Morning Overview

Oil, rare earths, and microchips are becoming tools of global power

The United States, China, and the European Union are locked in an escalating contest over three resources that now function as strategic weapons: oil, rare earth minerals, and advanced semiconductors. American strategists have begun thinking like military planners from World War II and the Cold War, treating control of these commodities as a matter of national survival. China dominates rare earth mining and refining at levels that leave Western supply chains exposed, while Washington has tightened export controls on the chips that power artificial intelligence and advanced weapons systems. The result is a global resource standoff with direct consequences for defense production, consumer electronics, and energy prices.

China’s Stranglehold on Rare Earth Supply

The scale of China’s dominance over rare earths is difficult to overstate. A Goldman Sachs note flagged that China controls 69% of global rare earth mining and 92% of refining, a concentration that gives Beijing enormous leverage in any trade dispute. The minerals themselves, including neodymium, praseodymium, dysprosium, and terbium, are essential for the permanent magnets inside electric vehicle motors, wind turbines, missile guidance systems, and consumer electronics, according to analysis by the IEA.

This is not a new problem, but the consequences are sharpening. The USGS Mineral Commodity Summaries 2024 dataset, which tracks world production series and U.S. salient statistics for rare earths, documents how deeply American industry depends on imported supply. That dependence has a legal history: the WTO ruled in Dispute DS431 that China’s export duties, quotas, and trading-right restrictions on rare earths, tungsten, and molybdenum were inconsistent with trade rules. China later notified the WTO that those restrictions had been removed. Yet the underlying market power never shifted. Beijing still holds the refining bottleneck, meaning it can restrict supply through regulatory tools short of formal export quotas.

For the United States, the vulnerability is quantifiable. The U.S. Geological Survey, through its broader mineral resources programs, has cataloged domestic deposits and production trends, but the country still imports most of the rare earth materials used in high-tech manufacturing. While new projects are under consideration, the long lead times and environmental permitting challenges mean that any meaningful diversification will take years, not months. In the meantime, manufacturers of electric vehicles, wind turbines, and precision-guided munitions remain exposed to decisions made in Beijing.

Shortages Already Hitting U.S. Defense and Tech

The strategic risk has moved from theoretical to operational. Rare earth shortages are worsening across U.S. aerospace and semiconductor manufacturing even after a partial trade truce, according to Reuters reporting that cited a U.S. government official. Shortages of yttrium and scandium have not yet weighed on production of jet engines or chips, but the trajectory is alarming for defense planners who need predictable supply for years-long procurement cycles.

Most coverage of this competition frames it as a policy debate. That framing understates the physical reality. Building a rare earth mine takes a decade or more from discovery to production. Refining capacity requires specialized chemical processing infrastructure that does not exist at scale outside China. “Because it’s a political priority, [the U.S.] is in a better place than it was as far as vulnerability to China,” Morgan Bazile told the Wall Street Journal. But political priority and industrial capacity are two different things, and the gap between them is where real vulnerability lives.

U.S. officials have tried to narrow that gap by encouraging new mining projects, supporting recycling of critical minerals, and courting allied producers. Yet even optimistic scenarios envision a world in which China remains a dominant supplier for years. The combination of entrenched refining know-how, sunk capital, and integrated domestic demand makes rapid displacement unlikely. That leaves Western governments managing risk rather than eliminating it, stockpiling certain materials and mapping which weapons systems would be most affected by a sudden cutoff.

Semiconductors as Export Weapons

Washington has matched Beijing’s mineral leverage with its own chokepoint: advanced semiconductors. The Bureau of Industry and Security maintains export controls on advanced computing and semiconductor manufacturing items shipped to China, with rules dating to October 2023 and subsequent updates that restrict both finished chips and the lithography tools needed to make them. The controls target the AI training hardware that underpins military applications, surveillance systems, and next-generation weapons design.

This is the mirror image of China’s rare earth position. Where Beijing controls upstream minerals, Washington and its allies in the Netherlands and Japan control the most advanced chipmaking equipment. Each side holds a resource the other cannot easily replace. The risk of mutual escalation is real: tighter chip restrictions could prompt Beijing to impose new mineral export controls that fall outside the WTO framework China previously agreed to respect. That feedback loop, not any single policy action, is what makes the current period different from earlier trade tensions.

For global companies, this dynamic forces hard choices. Chip designers must decide whether to tailor products to stay below export thresholds, potentially sacrificing performance, or risk losing access to the Chinese market. Chinese firms, meanwhile, are racing to develop domestic alternatives, but replicating cutting-edge lithography and design ecosystems is a generational project. In the interim, both sides are accepting economic costs to preserve what they see as non-negotiable security advantages.

Oil Production and Energy as Leverage

Energy rounds out the triad of contested resources. While rare earths and semiconductors draw more attention in discussions of advanced technology, oil and gas still underpin the logistics, mobility, and industrial output of every major power. The United States has emphasized domestic production as a buffer against geopolitical shocks, and the Interior Department, through agencies under the Department of the Interior, plays a central role in managing federal lands and offshore resources that contribute to that output. Production trends are closely tracked alongside minerals by federal scientists, reflecting a broader recognition that energy security and mineral security are increasingly intertwined.

Higher oil prices amplify the strategic value of rare earths and chips. Electric vehicles, for example, depend on permanent magnets and power electronics built on advanced semiconductors. When crude markets tighten, demand for these technologies grows, increasing exposure to Chinese mineral supply chains and Western chip export rules at the same time. That convergence means a disruption in one domain can quickly spill into others, magnifying the economic and political impact.

America’s Response: Data, Production, and Public Resources

One of Washington’s quiet advantages in this contest is the depth of its public data. The U.S. Geological Survey’s long-running statistical series, highlighted in a recent national news release on mineral production, gives policymakers and industry a detailed picture of domestic output and import reliance across dozens of commodities. Those figures inform everything from defense procurement planning to infrastructure investment, and they serve as a baseline for assessing how quickly new mines or processing plants could change the balance of power.

Much of this information is made available as part of the federal government’s commitment to open data. Under a public domain policy, many government publications can be reused freely, allowing researchers and companies to build models, risk assessments, and market forecasts without restrictive licensing. In a world where control of information increasingly mirrors control of resources, the ability to share and analyze high-quality geological and production data is itself a strategic asset.

Yet data alone cannot close mines, open refineries, or build chip fabs. The United States and its allies are attempting to turn information into action through subsidies, tax credits, and partnerships aimed at diversifying supply. Success will be measured not just in new facilities but in reduced concentration: fewer single points of failure where a policy decision in Beijing or Washington can halt production lines half a world away.

A New Era of Resource Deterrence

The emerging order is not a simple replay of past commodity shocks. Instead of one dominant resource like oil, power now rests on a portfolio: the fuels that move armies and economies, the metals that make modern electronics possible, and the chips that provide the brains for everything from drones to data centers. China, the United States, and the European Union are all trying to assemble versions of this portfolio that minimize their dependence on rivals while maximizing their own leverage.

That effort is reshaping trade, investment, and even the language of diplomacy. Export controls and stockpiles sit alongside tariffs and sanctions as everyday tools of statecraft. Companies that once optimized for cost and efficiency are now asked to optimize for resilience and national security, often at higher prices. For smaller countries caught between the major powers, the challenge will be to secure access to critical resources without being forced into exclusive alignments.

As this contest unfolds, the most important measure may be whether resource competition can be managed without tipping into outright conflict. Deterrence built on oil, rare earths, and semiconductors is still deterrence: each side must believe that disrupting supplies would hurt them as much as their adversaries. If that balance holds, the world may avoid the worst outcomes of economic warfare. If it breaks, the next major crisis may be triggered not by a missile launch or a currency crash, but by a shipment of minerals or chips that never leaves port.

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*This article was researched with the help of AI, with human editors creating the final content.